Max Headroom 
The recent revelation of the advancement of China’s DeepSeek artificial intelligence (AI) capability didn’t just wreak havoc on the stock prices of American AI companies. It also clearly demonstrated to Americans, beyond national security and technology experts, that Chinese advanced technology presents a real risk both to American economic and security interests.
This truth extends beyond AI. When it comes to American space capabilities, it has been clear for some time that Russia and China are focused not only on their own advances, but also on stealing
American plans and technologies from throughout our space industry. For President Trump to meet his goals of NASA reaching the moon and traveling to Mars and of American security through strength, additional actions to protect American technology and data will be required.
As the space race has continued to intensify, more companies are involved in critical U.S. space missions—both for the Department of Defense and for NASA—than ever before. While these companies bring benefits of competition and quickly evolving, advanced technologies, they also increase the risk that potential adversaries can gain access to American advances.
China and Russia (often partnering together in space) continue aggressively targeting America’s space technology. For example, in August 2023, the Air Force, FBI, and National Counterintelligence and Security Center noted that Chinese and Russian space agencies are attempting to steal technology from SpaceX and Blue Origin, on whom NASA and DOD increasingly rely.
“Foreign intelligence entities recognize the importance of the commercial space industry to the U.S. economy and national security, including the growing dependence of critical infrastructure on space-based assets,” the Air Force’s advisory read. “They see U.S. space-related innovation and assets as potential threats as well as valuable opportunities to acquire vital technologies and expertise.”
These aggressive actions mean United Launchh Alliance, SpaceX, Blue Origin, and every private contractor and subcontractor used by the Pentagon and NASA must continue to tighten their security protocols. And U.S. security agencies must increase their monitoring of compliance, recognizing how critical these companies are to American space infrastructure and capabilities.
The change in American reliance on a greater range of space companies has been fast and dramatic. It seems like just yesterday that I attended meetings in my Air Force role with a then-frustrated SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, who was seeking to lift bureaucratic hurdles so that his company could launch more satellites for the Defense Department. Ten years later, SpaceX is now conducting the majority of government-sponsored launches (including both NASA and national security space missions). With this great private involvement by SpaceX and others comes the great private responsibility for these firms to protect not only their own proprietary technology, but the secrets that keep this country safe and in the lead.
In December, the New York Times reported that SpaceX and its CEO are currently under review by the Air Force and others for repeatedly failing “to comply with federal reporting protocols aimed at protecting state secrets,” including by not disclosing their meetings with prominent Russian foreign leaders.
This headline happened to focus on SpaceX, but the challenge and responsibility here fall on the entire private space industry.
While Silicon Valley ingenuity clearly improves America’s defense technologies, the two cultures—of the tech industry and those charged inside the government with American security—are challengingly different. The benefits of the tech industry’s stereotypical speed and advances must be recognized. But the Pentagon cannot only worry about getting rockets off the ground faster. It must concern itself with one of its core missions – keeping America’s leading adversaries at bay at the same time.
The solutions will be challenging, but they already exist for many defense companies who provide weapons systems to the Pentagon. NASA and DOD should impose stricter federal vetting standards and divestiture requirements as a condition for receiving government work. It should mandate that companies remove any potential connections to China and Russia that it deems to be of concern.
Incoming Pentagon and NASA leaders have the opportunity both to work with space industry partners, and to ensure that greater safeguards are put in place to protect American technology and information. Failing to do so could lead to China and Russia space preeminence, an outcome in no American or allied interest.
Erin C. Conaton served as the 23rd Under Secretary of the Air Force and the 6th Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness.
Opinion
C4ISRNet
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